Tuesday, 9 September 2008

Commentary : De-linking Religion From The Bombings
DEMONISING ISLAM

A poll in the Daily Telegraph in the aftermath of the London suicide bombings found that 19 per cent of those polled felt that Islam itself ‘as distinct from Islamic fundamentalism’ posed ‘a major threat’ to Western liberal democracy. A further 27 per cent felt that Islam itself posed ‘some threat’.

In Oct. 2001, the corresponding figures were 10 and 22 per cent. Now, one in five people believes Islam as a religion poses a ‘major threat’, and nearly half the people of Britain believe that it is some kind of threat to liberal democracy. This is unjustified fear.

DEMONISING CHRISTIANITY

When nine young Muslim men carry out, or try to carry out, brutal atrocities, Islam is blamed. But when small groups of Christians carry out brutal atrocities, Christianity is not. Why this double standard?

Between 1993 and 1998, seven people (doctors, receptionists, police officers) were killed in shootings and bombings by Christian anti-abortion activists in the US. This was religiously-motivated terrorism, but no one blamed Christianity itself.

When Christian anti-abortionist James Kopp admitted shooting dead Dr Barnett Slepian in 1998, was there a cry for all Christians to condemn him?

When David Koresh’s heavily-armed Christian fundamentalist sect resisted the FBI siege at Waco in 1993, did non-Christians rush to the Bible to understand what could have motivated this kind of apocalyptic survivalism?

When 800 or so members of the Christian ‘Movement for the Restoration of the Ten Commandments of God’ group died of suicide or (mostly) murder in March 2000, did non-Christians refer to the Christian record of violence culminating in the development and use of the atomic bomb, as part of the cultural background to this tragedy?

When people see violence in, say, Democratic Republic of Congo, torn by savage civil war—and with 42m Christians making up 70% of the population—are they entitled to blame Christianity itself?

SCRIPTURE

Do non-Christians scour the New Testament to pull out the most violent and frightening verses, linking them with the “Christian terrorism” of James Kopp and his colleagues?

For example, do they endlessly repeat the words of Jesus when he criticised the Jews of his time for not putting to death children who spoke evil of their parents, as the Law commanded? [Mark 7:9-10. Check all references online]

Do they trumpet the passages when Jesus exults in the prospect of destruction? For example:
‘I came to bring fire on the earth, and how I wish it were already set ablaze!’ [Luke 12:49]

Do they keep repeating that when he drove the moneychangers out of the temple, Jesus didn’t just overturn tables, he actually used a whip? [John 2:15]

In one famous parable, Jesus does not seem to have any problem with the idea of owning, beating, or indeed killing slaves. [Luke 12:46-48]

What about Jesus’ call to his disciples to sell their possessions in order to buy swords? [Luke 22:35-36]

And his ominous warning, ‘Don't assume that I came to bring peace on the earth. I did not come to bring peace, but a sword.’ [Matthew 10:34]

Here are some frightening quotations: ‘

You shall destroy all the peoples... showing them no pity.’ [7:16]

‘All the people present there shall serve you as forced labour.’ [20:12]

‘You shall put all its males to the sword. You may, however, take as your booty the women, the children, the livestock, and everything in the town—all its spoil—and enjoy the use of the spoil of your enemy which the LORD your God gives you.’ [20:14-15]

‘You shall not let a soul remain alive.’ [20:16]

This is from Deuteronomy in the Old Testament, the Jewish Torah, which both Jews and Christians consider sacred.

What if someone said these verses of Jesus and Deuteronomy were the essence of Christianity? It would be absurd. But with the Koran, non-Muslims feel free to pull the most aggressive verses out of context. All major religions can be used in this way.

THE KORAN: RESTRAINING WAR

Christians focus on Jesus’ peaceful words, not his violent curses on unreceptive towns such as Chorazin, Bethsaida, and Capernaum [Matthew 11:21-24].

Ex-Catholic nun Karen Armstrong explains,

‘Like the Bible, the Qur’an has its share of aggressive texts, but like all the great religions, its main thrust is towards kindliness and compassion. Islamic law outlaws war against any country in which Muslims are allowed to practice their religion freely, and forbids the use of fire, the destruction of buildings and the killing of innocent civilians in a military campaign. So although Muslims, like Christians or Jews, have all too often failed to live up to their ideals, it is not because of the religion per se.’ (Guardian, 11 July)

MUHAMMAD: NONVIOLENT ACTION

After largely winning a war against his old tribe, who had driven him out with violent persecution (nearly killing him), and successfully blockading them, Muhammad could have destroyed the Quraysh militarily. Instead he led his followers in an unarmed, nonviolent, pilgrimage into the hands of the Quraysh, signed a peace treaty with them, and abandoned the blockade, paving the way for peace in war-torn Arabia. (Karen Armstrong, Muhammad, p. 214-223)

Karen Armstrong comments:

‘It is not true that Islam preaches a total intransigence and inspires a mindless fanaticism. Instead the Koran evolves a complementary theology of war and peace, which most Christians would not find difficult to accept.’ (p. 225)

EXTREMISM AND SOME YOUNG BRITISH MUSLIMS

If Islam itself is not to blame, how is it that young British Muslims could carry out the London bombings? The British Government carried out a secret study of precisely this topic—‘Young Muslims and Extremism’—in 2004 (leaked to the Sunday Times on 10 July, p. 1)

This joint report by the Home Office and Foreign Office (with intelligence input) put together a list of factors causing ‘extremism’. First on the list was British ‘Foreign policy issues’:

‘It seems that a particularly strong cause of disillusionment amongst Muslims including young Muslims is a perceived “double standard” in the foreign policy of western governments... in particular Britain and the US. This is particularly significant in terms of the concept of the “Ummah”, i.e. that Believers are one “nation”...’

‘This perception seems to have become more acute post 9/11. The perception is that passive “oppression”, as demonstrated in British foreign policy, eg non-action on Kashmir and Chechnya, has given way to “active oppression”—the war on terror, and in Iraq and Afghanistan are all seen by a section of British Muslims as having been acts against Islam.’

‘This disillusionment may contribute to a sense of helplessness with regard to the situation of Muslims in the world, with a lack of any tangible “pressure valves”, in order to vent frustrations, anger or dissent.’

In other words, British Muslims see themselves as part of a global Muslim community, and when they see the British government waging violent war on other parts of that global community—against ordinary civilians in Afghanistan and Iraq, it hurts them.

It is their anger over violent civilian deaths at the hands of the US and UK, and their despair at the possibility of changing these foreign policies, which make some young British Muslims vulnerable to recruitment by al Qaeda.

This is the Government’s own analysis.

NOT ISLAM, BUT OUR POLICIES ARE TO BLAME

Michael Scheuer, the CIA’s bin Laden expert from 1996 to 1999, says we must understand that:

‘the motivation for the people fighting us has to do with our policies... it’s a mistake to think the Muslims don’t understand our policy... we need a shot of democracy inside the United States... If... the decision is to keep those policies kind of as they are—well, I think that might be a mistake. But... at least the country would be going into the war against Islamic militancy with its eyes open, knowing that those policies, more than anything else, motivate our enemy. We would go into it with our eyes open. We’d be expecting a very long war, and a very bloody and costly war.’ (January 2005)-link

Young Muslims And Extremism

INTRODUCTION

On 10 July 2005, the Sunday Times carried an important front-page story on a leaked British Government study 'Young Muslims and Extremism' (see our Media Review for more details). The key element of this story (buried in the middle of the article) was the finding that it is British foreign policy that has been responsible for the growth of 'extremism' - the willingness of young Muslims to participate in anti-Western terrorism.

This joint Home Office/Foreign Office report can be downloaded from the Sunday Times website in full, in four parts. What follows are the conclusions of the report.

Notice that when discussing the factors that cause 'extremism' among young Muslims, foreign policy is listed first. Second is 'Islamophobia'.

EXCERPTS FROM THE REPORT

Definition:

By extremism, we mean advocating or supporting views such as support for terrorist attacks against British or western targets, including the 9/11 attacks, or for British Muslims fighting against British and allied forces abroad, arguing that it is not possible to be Muslim and British, calling on Muslims to reject engagement with British society and politics, and advocating the creation of an Islamic state in Britain.

Factors:

At this stage all we can say is that there are a variety of issues that impact upon British Muslims, including young Muslims, and may increase the likelihood of their moving towards extremism . The factors discussed below are based partly on survey evidence but partly on the subjective impressions of Home Office and FCO officials and Muslim advisers, taking account of their contacts with Muslim leaders, clerics and academics and monitoring of publications.

Foreign policy issues

It seems that a particularly strong cause of disillusionment amongst Muslims including young Muslims is a perceived `double standard' in the foreign policy of western governments (and often those of Muslim governments), in particular Britain and the US. This is particularly significant in terms of the concept of the "Ummah", i.e. that Believers are one "nation". This seems to have gained a significant prominence in how some Muslims view HMG's [Her Majesty's Government's, ie British Government] policies towards Muslim countries.

Perceived Western bias in Israel's favour over the Israel/Palestinian conflict is a key long term grievance of the international Muslim community which probably influences British Muslims.

This perception seems to have become more acute post 9/11 . The perception is that passive `oppression', as demonstrated in British foreign policy, eg non-action on Kashmir and Chechnya, has given way to `active oppression' - the war on terror, and in Iraq and Afghanistan are all seen by a section of British Muslims as having been acts against Islam.

This disillusionment may contribute to a sense of helplessness with regard to the situation of Muslims in the world, with a lack of any tangible `pressure valves', in order to vent frustrations, anger or dissent.

Hence this may lead to a desire for a simple `Islamic' solution to the perceived oppression/problems faced by the `Ummah'- Palestine, Iraq, Chechnya, Kashmir and Afghanistan.

A case in point is the March 2004 ICM poll of Muslim opinion asked "Jenny Tonge, a Liberal Democrat MP said she condemned all forms of terrorism, but if she had to live in the same situation as a Palestinian she might consider becoming a suicide bomber herself. Do you agree or disagree with her?" 47% agreed with the statement, whilst 43% disagreed.

Domestic issues

Islamophobia

Perceived Islamophobia (particularly post-9/11) in society and the media may cause some British Muslims including young Muslims to feel isolated and alienated and in a few cases to reject democratic and multi-cultural values.

The Cantle report identified polarisation between Pakistani/Bangladeshi and white communities as a factor in the 2001 disturbances. The young people involved in these disturbances included educated professionals as well as under privileged people.

Lack of understanding of Islam - insensitive use of language and perceptions of Islam and an ill-informed assumption that Islam's teachings are inherently extremist. Media coverage of extremist fringe groups increases this.

Muslims' perception of bias in the way counter-terrorism powers are used to stop, detain and arrest people, both at ports and in-country.

Social issues

Attainment

Muslims are more likely than other faith groups to have no qualifications (over two fifths have none) and to be unemployed and economically inactive, and are over-represented in deprived areas. However, this is largely associated with the disadvantage of the Pakistani and Bangladeshi communities, whereas the experience of Indian and Arab Muslims is much less disadvantaged .

Lack of participation and representation - There is still low Muslim representation in mainstream institutions of influence, especially for women - eg in public appointments, volunteering and mainstream politics (although the Home Office Citizenship Survey 2001 suggests that low Muslim participation rates largely reflect non-faith factors such as education, economic empowerment, age and gender).

Issues of identity

Parts of the Muslim community are still developing an understanding of how to reconcile their faith and Islamic identity with living in a secular multi-cultural society, and with modern social challenges. There is a developing critique by some within the Muslim community, both abroad and here, that traditional Islamic jurisprudence is not equipped to fulfil the needs of Muslims living in the West and needs to be developed and updated. There are tentative moves towards developing Islamic jurisprudence for Muslims living in Europe and the Western World.

A lack of any real `pressure valves', in order to vent frustrations/anger/dissent.

There are particular issues for young Muslim women who face some of the most complex clashes of culture. We need to think hard about the positive impact they can have with the right support.

Organisational issues

Some young Muslims are disillusioned with mainstream Muslim organisations that are perceived as pedestrian, ineffective and in many cases, as `sell-outs' to HMG.

The government must make a more concerted effort to persuade the Muslim community that it is trusted and respected . That requires a change of language. Public challenges to Muslims to decide where their loyalties lie are counterproductive.-link

Policy Recommendations: Co-opting Muslim Leaders

Introduction

It is interesting, in the light of the Prime Minister's new ideology-centred programme, that action against 'radical preachers' and ideologists is a long way down the list of actions, and that it appears to consist of 'Ensur[ing that] arrests and searches under the new powers are evidence-based, intelligence-led and proportionate'.

There is no (explicit) mention of deportations here, though Number 10 would probably try to interpret 'taking necessary enforcement action' in that light. This seems unlikely to have been the original intention (notice the detail in which other policy proposals are spelled out, in contrast).

What follows are excerpts from the report.

Key Actions, which will assist in tackling extremism among Muslim youth:

Improving our understanding of the extent and causes of extremism among young Muslims

l. Conduct focus groups with young Muslims, exploring their views on key aspects of foreign and domestic policy, interpretations of Islam, and the compatibility of being,British and Muslim. Focus groups to be drawn from a range of educational, economic and ethnic backgrounds

2. In light of focus groups, if needed, commission a more detailed and scientific study of Muslim opinions and experiences, to include older generations and some comparison with other faith groups to put the views of Muslims in context

3. Commission from the police service a survey of disaffection and extremist activity in schools and colleges in key selected areas.

4. Role of the National Community Tensions Team in helping Government to remain informed about levels of disaffection and extremism

Combating the recruitment of young British Muslims by terrorist organisations

1. Undertake research to extensively map the "Terrorist Career Path", including changes in opinions held, changes in associates or membership of organisations, and specific actions taken by individuals on the path from law-abiding citizen to terrorist .

2. On the basis of this research, develop a comprehensive Interventions Strategy, to enable us to intervene at key trigger points to prevent young Muslims from becoming drawn into extremist and terrorist activity and action.

3. Our work in this area will be focussed on finding local community based interventions, with support for faith, voluntary and community organisations from [N]GOs, local authorities and central government as appropriate.

Combating Islamophobia

1. Prepare and circulate to Departments advice on Muslim sensitivities and appropriate non-inflammatory terminology to be used in referring to Muslim issues .

2. Prepare communications plan aimed at combating distorted public and media perceptions of Islam and Muslims. Collaboration on this with moderate Muslim bodies, including student bodies, will further assist Government/Muslim relations.

3. Build capacity amongst information services like MCB Direct, in providing accurate representation for mainstream Islam (i .e. representatives and experts) in the mainstream media.

4. Encourage, assist and promote mainstream Muslim communication channels, i.e. radio stations, newspapers aimed at British Muslims, and television channels. Many of these are set up during a fixed time of the year (Ramadhan), and do not have the capacity to run a full-time set-up. This is what HMG has promoted in the Islamic world. That expertise can be utilised domestically.

Dialogue with young Muslims and building leadership capacity

1. Projection of British Muslim youth as role models for overseas audiences (e.g. sending delegations of British Muslim youth to `represent' Britain, signalling UK's pride in its Muslim youth.), and encouraging young moderate Muslims to become spokespersons for foreign media e.g. digital television.

2. Expand and deepen dialogue with young Muslims on non-traditional foreign policy areas of concern to Muslims, e.g. development (follow-up to UNDP Arab Development Report), globalisation, human rights, etc.

3. European dimension. Enable British Muslim youth to discuss mainstream/European Islam with EU counterparts, as well as how to tackle extremism internally within the European Muslim community.

4. Encourage Muslim youth to take part in local and national youth parliaments (the Bradford Youth Parliament recently visited by Mr O'Brien being a successful model of Muslim teenagers taking part in wider political engagement) .

5. Strengthen the hand of moderate student and youth organisations (such as the UMS and FOSIS), and of moderates within such organisations, by:

> continuing to offer Ministerial speakers for meetings and debates on foreign and domestic issues ofconcern to Muslims.

> inviting moderate Muslim youth representatives to participate in consultative discussions with departments on specific issues.

6. Audit government and other publicly funded community capacity building funding to assess the extent to which funds are reaching Muslim organisations and especially those for young Muslims. If necessary, advise Ministers on ways of channelling more funding to this need.

Reaching out to underachievers

1 . Work with DFES, DWP and DWP [sic] to address Muslim disadvantage and reduce social exclusion

2. Ongoing work with the Prison Service to develop a programme of measures to ensure young British Muslims do not leave prisons alienated and radicalised, and holding extremist views.

Responding to Muslim concerns about the use of anti-terrorist powers

1. Identify key individuals preaching extremism and recruiting to the cause and take necessary enforcement action.

2. Ensure arrests and searches under the new powers are evidence-based, intelligence-led and proportionate.

3. Engage Muslim community in a dialogue over the use of the powers

4. Provide feedback to Muslim community on reasons for, and outcomes of, arrests and searches under the new powers

Responding to other Muslim concerns

Show that HMG is addressing Muslim concerns, including youth concerns, by:

1. highlighting consular assistance given to British Muslim students/youth in legal difficulty abroad including those accused of affiliation to extremist bodies (e.g. the HT students in Egypt) and in relation to the Hajj, to dispel the claim of double standards

2. reviewing the scope for meeting Muslim concerns identified during public seminars with mosque representatives earlier this year, and publicising any resulting changes in policy. (Issues include family law, animal slaughter and faith in education.)

3. raising awareness among young Muslims of the current and forthcoming legal protections against religiously aggravated offences and religious discrimination in employment

4. making pump priming funding available to the Muslim Safety Forum

Promoting mainstream Islam

l. Bring about the development and provision of subsidised training, upskilling and qualifications for home-grown Islamic faith leaders. Training to focus on pastoral, community leadership and management skills. Action in hand, by Learning and Skills Council and Home Office (with FCO involvement) . Subsequent roll-out of LSC-subsidised courses

2. Raise the standards required from ministers of religion including Imams seeking admission and extension of stay. Package to include immediate English language requirement. Religious qualification requirements and civic engagement tests to follow after consultation, in stages during 2004/5.

3. Assist mainstream organisations to promote the many UK-based courses on Arabic and theology, taking away the need for Muslim youth to travel to seminaries in the Islamic world, many of which preach extremist doctrines. Encourage mainstream organisations to put their material on the web.

4. Seek opportunities through Government engagement and recognition, to promote awareness of moderate scholars with followings amongst young Muslims, such as Imam Hamza Yusuf and Imam Suhaib Webb.

5. Strengthen moderate Muslim media organisations (radio stations and publications, such as MCB Direct, e.g. by giving them stories and interviews.

Remedying the exclusion of Muslims from Public life

More work is needed on promoting Muslim representation in public life. Any feeling that Muslim voices are not heard in places of influence is helpful to extremism. The Home Office should consider what more could be done, and report conclusions.

Conclusions

Policy objectives include persuading young Muslims that they can be Muslim and British, and that Islam is not regarded with hostility. In this context the term `Islamic fundamentalism' is unhelpful and should be avoided, because some perfectly moderate Muslims are likely to perceive it as a negative comment on their own approach to their faith.-link


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